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The objective of the movement is to
renounce the adherence of the United Kingdom to Articles 25 and
46 of the European Convention on Human Rights.
· The first and overriding duty of the governmental
institutions of the
UK is to protect the security, legal rights, economic well-being
and way of life of those who are legitimately its citizens.
· The duty arises solely for those persons have a legal
standing as a citizen, and does not extend to the same degree to
those who do not have this standing. The duty requires the
state, if necessary, to apply different rules and rights to
those who are citizens from those who are not.
· The governmental institutions of the
UK cannot escape this duty. Their ultimate responsibility cannot
be evaded by attempts to delegate, share or dilute the duty.
· The legal rights of British citizens are established by the
common law and by statute. Although there are many agencies
which may make law or regulations, the ultimate decision must
rest upon these two, and Parliament is the final arbiter.
·
A British citizen must know whether an act is lawful before
he or she acts, and that an act is lawful until it declared
otherwise. This is our most fundamental right. The concept of
“human rights” enforceable in the courts breaches this
right. “Human rights” conventions state the purported law in
imprecise terms that are open to many interpretations. It is
not possible to know in advance what is lawful and what is
not. Also, an act that is currently lawful may be declared
unlawful after its commission. These techniques have long been
valuable weapons in the arsenal of tyrants, and have hitherto
been resisted by common law and Parliament.
·
“Human rights” conventions transfer the final decision on
law-making from Parliament to the judiciary. They undermine the
essential principle that policy must be decided by democratic
processes, and is not the province of the judiciary. They lead
to the politicisation of the judiciary. They replace democracy
with an oligarchy.
· The overweening power of the judiciary in the
United Kingdom under the Human Rights Act (1998),
constitutionally repugnant though it is, is tempered because the
Act reserves to Parliament the right to exclude the operation of
the Act.
· This power, however, is useless. The
United Kingdom subscribes to the European Convention on Human
Rights, and therefore agrees to be subject to the Court in
Strasbourg. There
already exist many cases in which Parliament has been in effect
instructed to change its statutes in accordance, not with the
wishes of the elected representatives, but according to the
preferences of the Court. The power of the Court overrides any residual
authority of Parliament protected by the Human Rights Act 1998.
·
The power to override Parliament derives in particular from
Articles 25 and 46 pf the Convention. Article 25 conveys the
right of individual petition to the Court and Article 46
establishes the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court. Neither
Article was originally accepted by the
United Kingdom. The
acceptance of the Articles has crept in since 1966 by fiat of
the Foreign Office. At no time was Parliamentary approval sought
for this, the largest surrender of control over our internal law
ever made.
·
For well over a decade the
United Kingdom adhered to the Convention but not to Articles 25
and 46. There is no reason why this position could not be
reinstated.
·
The effect would be that those who value the Convention can
still employ its aspirations as guidance for lawmakers and
policy administrators, but it would not be directly enforceable
in British Courts if the United Kingdom Parliament determined it
was not appropriate.
·
In particular, the
United Kingdom would be able once more to make the distinction
between those who are legally its citizens and those who are
not. The decision A(FC) and others v Secretary of State for
the Home Department and its wicked consequences arises from
the assertion that aliens and UK citizens must share the same
rights. As a result, the
legal rights that British citizens have enjoyed for many
centuries were curtailed because they could not safely be
extended to aliens as well. When combined with the imposition of
an untenable judicial interpretation of Article 3 of the
Convention, this decision caused a dereliction of the duty to
protect the security and legal rights of British citizens.
·
There are other international conventions which give power
to international bodies to determine our internal laws, and thus
to subjugate Parliament to external control. These also should
be amended. They derive from the use of the royal prerogative to
conduct affairs with other nations and to make treaties. The
traditional use of the prerogative was for dealings in trade or
policy between this country and other states. It has now
improperly been used to sidestep Parliament and diminish its
authority.
· There are now too many interests vested in the continuance
of these powers for there to be significant reform in the
immediate future. Their further and further extension, however,
will soon make any reform almost impossible. 25-46 will arrest
this unceasing momentum and give time for people to make serious
consideration of whether this is really where they want to go.
25-46 is run by Fred Silvester, a
former MP, who from the 1980s has warned of the dangers that are
now becoming evident to all. Fred Silvester’s book “Global
Speak – The Five Untruths” deals with these issues in greater
detail. His newly published work “Rape of Democracy” is short
and pithy, and uses the tradition of verse in British politics
to make the case. To find out more about these books visit
www.humanrights.uk.com
If you agree with the objective of
25-46 (and even if you do not), then please visit the
Join The Discussion page and add your comments.
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